Reprinted from INSIDE HEALTH INSURANCE EXCHANGES, a
hard-hitting newsletter with news and strategic insights on the development and
operation of public and private exchanges.
By Steve
Davis, Managing Editor
November 13,
2014 Volume 4 Issue 22
A Congress soon to be led by a party
opposed to the Affordable Care Act (ACA) — combined with the Supreme Court’s
recent decision to take on a controversial provision of the law — could give
federally facilitated exchange (FFE) states a strong financial incentive to
transition to a “supported state-based marketplace” model (HEX 9/4/14, p. 1).
It also could lead to some political battles and bargaining with the White
House.
In its July 22 ruling on Halbig v.
Burwell, a Republican-majority panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the
D.C. Circuit ruled 2-1 that the premium subsidies awarded to 4.7 million
enrollees on HealthCare.gov were illegal because the wording of the ACA
indicates that only exchanges set up by states can issue subsidies (HEX
7/31/14, p. 1). On the same day, a Democrat-majority panel of the U.S.
Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit in Richmond, Va., determined in King v.
Burwell that the subsidies were legal. The Supreme Court said on Nov. 7
that it would take up King v. Burwell (14-114) during its current
session.
Regardless of the ACA’s intent, it’s
likely the high court will rely on a literal reading of the statute, which says
federal subsidies are available only through state-run exchanges, industry
observers tell HEX. The 34 FFE states would then be ineligible to
distribute federal subsidies to enrollees, disrupting insurance markets and
making coverage unaffordable for many low-income people. Such a decision would
bounce the ball back in Congress’ court to rework the language. But a
congressional fix is highly unlikely in a Republican-majority Congress with an
election year on the horizon.
Politics Could Rattle Exchanges
Barring FFEs from distributing
subsidies would dramatically disrupt the exchanges, create a very contentious
2016 election period, and raise the specter of a possible “do over” on health
reform, suggests William Pewen, Ph.D., who served as senior health policy
advisor to former Sen. Olympia Snowe (R-Maine). He is now an assistant
professor of public health and family medicine at Marshall University in West
Virginia.
“The Court may decide that bad drafting
trumps intent, and given a new majority in Congress with a history of
disengagement on meaningful health reform, the prospect of a legislative remedy
seems dismal,” he tells HEX. “In that case, more governors and state
legislators would face a critical decision: Does one sacrifice constituents’
access to health care in the pursuit of a partisan conflict?”
FFEs Could Sidestep Problem
In response, CMS might issue guidance
clarifying that a state can designate HealthCare.gov as its IT platform, says
Christopher Condeluci, a principal at CC Law & Policy in Washington, D.C.,
who was on the Senate Finance Committee when the health reform legislation was
being drafted. “This will then allow governors to sign an executive order
establishing a state-based exchange,” he predicts. “I think this happens in
most states. There will be some outliers, but not many.”
For the 2015 plan year, Oregon will
rely on a Supported State-Based Marketplace (HEX 9/4/14, p. 1). Last
year, Idaho and New Mexico operated their marketplaces while relying on the
federal technology platform. Both states are considered SBEs. The model allows
states to tap existing federal IT systems while maintaining policymaking
authority over other issues such as plan certification, insurer participation
and fees, marketing, and consumer engagement, according to a recent
Commonwealth Fund issue brief co-authored by Kevin Lucia, a research professor
and project director at Georgetown University’s Health Policy Institute (HEX
9/4/14, p. 1).
Mark Hall, a professor of law and
public health at Wake Forest University, agrees that many FFE states probably
would be willing to endorse the federal website as their exchange to ensure
that their constituents don’t lose the main benefits of the ACA, and to avoid
hurting their existing individual health insurance markets, he adds. Without
such a model change, carriers in FFE states would face “a major threat to the
sustainability of the individual markets,” Hall says. And that would likely hit
local and regional carriers, such as Blue Cross and Blue Shield plans, the
hardest. National carriers would have the flexibility to leave nonviable
markets, he adds.
Although politics kept many Republican
governors from accepting federal money to expand Medicaid, Hall says “the
politics of private insurance subsidies for the middle class are distinctly
different.” However, the possibility that millions of Americans could lose
federal subsidies and health coverage would give Republicans some bargaining
power with the White House to accept a congressional fix that includes major
revisions to the ACA.
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